tuluum's Diaryland Diary

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A Tale Of Two Septembers (article)

A Tale of Two Septembers

By David Morris, AlterNet

September 9, 2003

September 11th marks the second anniversary of the

aerial attack by terrorists that killed 2,700 people

and profoundly changed American society.

September 11th also marks the anniversary, in this

case the thirtieth, of the aerial attack by terrorists

that led to the murder of more than 3,000 people and

profoundly changed Chilean society.

American commentators probably won't mention the 1973

attacks on Chile and their aftermath. They should,

because in those attacks it was the U.S. government

that played the role of Al Qaeda � recruiting,

training, arming, financing and coordinating the

terrorists.

Our involvement in this unsavory affair is now widely

recognized. As Secretary of State Colin Powell himself

recently acknowledged, "It is not a part of our

country's history that we are proud of."

Powell's comment implies a feeling of contrition that

I doubt his colleagues in this Administration share.

For the ties are remarkably intimate between those who

planned the attacks on Chile's White House and those

in charge of responding to the attacks on the World

Trade Center and the Pentagon. Vice President Dick

Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld worked

in the Nixon cabinet. And in a most telling

demonstration of continuity, President Bush appointed

Henry Kissinger, the central player in the overthrow

of the Chilean government, to chair the Committee

investigating the attacks on the World Trade Center

and the Pentagon. (Kissinger withdrew in the face of

ferocious worldwide criticism.)

On September 4, 1970 Salvador Allende, founder of the

Socialist Party and four time presidential candidate,

was elected President of Chile. That Allende was duly

and uncontrovertibly elected in a country with a long

and rich democratic tradition, a country whose voting

turnout is double that of the United States, was

irrelevant to President Nixon and his Secretary of

State Henry Kissinger. "I don't see why we need to

stand by and watch a country go Communist due to the

irresponsibility of its own people," Kissinger

declared.

"Nixon was beside himself," Kissinger later wrote. CIA

Director Richard Helms remembers Nixon "wanted

something done and he didn't much care how."

Initially the U.S. tried to forestall Allende's taking

office by financing the kidnapping of the head of the

Armed Forces, General Rene Schneider. Schneider

resisted and was shot on October 22, 1970 and died

three days later. The CIA reportedly paid $35,000 to

the assassins.

Having failed with Plan A, Nixon and Kissinger moved

to Plan B. This was, according to Nixon's CIA Director

Richard Helms to "make the (Chilean) economy scream".

Plan B was successful economically. By cutting off

public and private aid, encouraging U.S. corporations

to stop sending replacement parts to Chilean factories

and fomenting strikes and sabotage in Chile, the U.S.

undermined its economy.

But Plan B failed politically. Even in the face of

growing economic instability Chile maintained its

democratic traditions. And the percentage voting for

Allende's Popular Unity coalition continued to

increase, from 36 percent in September 1970 to 44

percent in April 1972.

In June 1973 parts of the Chilean Navy attempted a

coup and failed. A million people marched to the

President's office and demanded arms to be able to

defend the government. President Allende stood on the

balcony and firmly rejected their request. To the end

he was a Constitutionalist.

As were several of the leaders of the Chilean

military. These were arrested in the early morning of

September 11th. About 8:30AM rogue military units

began bombing the Chilean White House. Allende died in

his office. General Augusto Pinochet, an admirer of

Adolf Hitler, seized power.

Pinochet's military dictatorship killed thousands,

tortured tens of thousands and drove more than a

million Chileans into exile. A society with a 150 year

tradition of democracy and participation suffered

under totalitarian rule.

No elections were held at any level for 15 years.

Women were arrested for organizing soccer clubs. As

Tina Rosenberg observed in the New York Times,

"Meetings of any kind were considered subversive � in

the first year after the coup, even Miss Chile was

appointed."

The United States rewarded Chile by dramatically

increasing both grants and loans. On June 8, 1976, at

the height of Pinochet's repression, Kissinger met in

private with the dictator and told him, "We are

sympathetic to what you are trying to do here".

Having thwarted the possibility that Chile would

become a model of democratic socialism, the United

States made Chile a model of dictatorial capitalism.

Under the hands-on guidance of University of Chicago

economists, the Chilean economy was restructured.

Unions were outlawed. Real wages plunged. Social

spending was slashed. Of 507 public enterprises in

l973 only l5 remained in government hands by l980.

Chile privatized its social security system.

The experiment failed. Unemployment soared.

Malnutrition soared. In l973 Chile had the second

highest income in Latin America, next to oil rich

Venezuela. By 1988, when the military relinquished the

reigns of government, Chile's income had fallen behind

that of many countries, including Brazil, Argentina

and Uruguay.

As a result of widespread protests, none of which were

financed by the United States, Pinochet agreed to step

down. In 1989 a new government took office and to some

extent has undone the damage wrought by the Pinochet

years.

Today Chilean society remains scarred by the events of

9/11/73. The military pushed through a Constitutional

provision that allowed it sufficient representation in

Congress to block reforms. In l99l General Pinochet

declared that if Chile were to try to undertake the

kinds of economic initiatives embraced by Allende, "In

such circumstances it will be impossible to prevent"

the military from intervening once again. Although

elections now take place in Chile and political

activity has revived, its dimension and vitality, once

so rich, is circumscribed.

The United States also felt the effects of 9/11/73.

Policymakers were shocked at the revelations of our

involvement. And at the same time they learned of

Nixon's increasing willingness to wield the powers of

government against perceived domestic as well as

foreign enemies.

Nixon resigned in August 1974. Congressional

investigations of our the use of government here and

abroad by the Nixon administration led it to reinforce

and strengthen the prohibition on domestic

surveillance by the CIA. It banned the use of

assassination as a tool of foreign policy. CIA

director Richard Helms was indicted and convicted of

lying to Congress about US involvement in Chile.

Today the connections between the two September lls

remain. While we are pursuing Saddam Hussein in order

to try him for war crimes, prosecutors in four

countries are pursuing Henry Kissinger to get him to

testify about his role in the Chilean coup.

In the aftermath of 9/11/01 the Bush White House has

reinstated many of the practices of the Nixon White

House and has adopted a similar approach regarding

those who oppose its policies. Nixon had an enemies

list. Vice President Cheney declares, "You're either

for us or against us." The policy of covert

interventions in foreign countries has been revived.

The CIA now is intimately involved in domestic

surveillance. The White House has formally

re-established the practice of political

assassination.

This September 11th we should remember two

anniversaries and reflect on the links between the

two.


There are two types of people in the world:

=> Those who get a monthly bonus check in their

mailbox once a month, and

=> Those who don't.

Which group would you like to belong to?


Asperger Art, Activism and Advice: Share and Join

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CLIX MORE LOVE MY WAY!

8:14 p.m. - Tuesday, Sept. 09, 2003

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